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This hypothetical situation is directed towrds those who think the NC is a corrupt political party?

Assuming you are Party President of multiple times, Mr. GP Koirala, then how would you run a political party, Nepali Congress, without corruptions, smugglings and protection to criminals ?

किन रोकिँदैन भ्रष्टाचार ? : कानुनका छ्रि्रहरूमा टेकेर भ्रष्टहरूले सफाइ पाउनु मुलुककै निम्ति दर्ुभाग्य हो [ 2064-3-19 ] 
रमेश target=_blank>www.gorkhapatra.org.np

रमेश विकल
आज हाम्रो देशको उन्नति, प्रगति र विकासको सबैभन्दा बाधक समाजका विभिन्न क्षेत्रमा फैलिँदो भ्रष्टाचार नै हो । यही भ्रष्टाचारको मौलाउँदै र व्यापक बन्दै गएको संस्कृतिले नै अरू विकास र प्रगतिलाई मौलाउन दिँदैन । किनभने यो भ्रष्ट संस्कृतिले यसरी जरो गाड्न थालेको छ र यो विशाल आकृतिमा फैलिँदो छ, यसले ठूलो वृक्षको भनौँ पीपलको बाक्लो छहारीमुनि उम्रने अरू बोटबिरुवालाई हर्ुकन बढ्न र बाँच्न दिँदैन ।

त्यसो त हामीमध्ये सायद कसैले पनि यो भ्रष्टाचारको संस्कृतिले हर्ुकन, बढ्न र फैलिन नपाओस् भन्ने कामना नै गरेको प्रतीत हुन्छ । कतिसम्म भने जसको छत्रछायाँमा यो संस्कृति हर्ुकंदै बढ्दै र विस्तार हुँदै गएको छ, त्यो समाज, राजनेताहरू प्रशासन संयन्त्र र समाजका अग्रणी भएर बसेका 'ठूला' मान्छेहरूसमेतले रातदिन आफ्ना भाषण, विज्ञप्ति, सन्देशहरूमा भ्रष्टाचार समाजको महारोग हो, यसको समूल नष्ट हुनर्ुपर्छ, हामी त्यसका लागि प्रतिबद्ध छौं, कटिबद्ध छौं । देश र समाजलाई भ्रष्टाचाररहित समाज बनाउन दृढ सङ्कल्पित छौंं ।'

यिनै बडेबडे कुराका सपना देखाएर नै उनीहरू हाम्रा टाउकामा पुग्न सफल भएका छन् । अनि यसै कार्यको सम्पादनका लागि भनेर चमक, दमकदार र्सवाधिकार सम्पन्नताको जामा भिराएर बडे बडे आयोग गठन भएका पनि छन् । त्यस्ता भ्रष्टातार निर्मूलन हेतु गठन भएका अधिकारसम्पन्न साना-ठूला आयोग र निकायहरूलाई पाल्ने पोस्ने र काम गर्ने वातावरण सिर्जना गर्ने नाउँमा राष्ट्रको ढुकुटी बढारेर लाखौँ लाखौँको धनराशी खोलोसरी बगाएका छन् ।

तर ती खोलाको पानी बगे झैँ बगिरहेका धनराशी त्यत्तिकै आएको होइन । यी विभिन्न स्रोतबाट सङ्कलित भएर राज्यकोषमा जम्मा गरिएका छन् जसमा सम्पर्ूण्ा जनताको श्रमको पसिनालाई राजस्वको रूपमा असुल गरेर सङ्कलन गरिएको छ । त्यति मात्र नभएर ती धनराशी विश्वका मित्रराष्ट्रहरूका सामु घँुडा टेकेर, दाँत ङच्ियाएर अनुदानका रूपमा र ऋणका रूपमा समेत जम्मा गरेर ढुकुटी भरिएको छ ।

यसरी ज्यादै निर्घिी चालाले सङ्कलित राज्यको कोशको महìवपर्ूण्ा अंश खर्चिएर कैयन् अधिक सम्पन्न आयोगहरू गठन भएर पनि कति त निष्त्रिmय र निष्प्रभावी सावित हुनपुगे । तर मल्लिक आयोग, रायमाझी आयोग जस्ता प्रभावशाली र सक्रिय, अधिकारसम्पन्न आयोगले गरेका उपलब्धिको पनि परिणाम के भयो त - के भइरहेको छ त -

यस्ता यी एकाध इमानदार र प्रतिबद्ध आयोगहरूले गरेका उपलब्धि पनि कतिपय स्थितिमा निष्प्रभावी र परिणामरहित भएर बसेका छन् । मल्लिक आयोगले कति मिहिनेत र कति इमानदारीसाथ छानबिन, खोजतलास गरेर तयार पारिएको ठानिएका प्रतिवेदन आज सिंहदरबारको कुन अँध्यारो कोठाको थोत्रो दराजमा धूलो र धमिराको सिकार भएर असफलताको आँशु बगाइरहेको होला । बेलाबखतमा उठ्ने गरेको जनआवाजको कदर गर्दै त्यसलाई उद्धार गरेर सक्रिय गराउनेतिर कसैको ध्यान गएन-न सरकारको न न्याय मन्दिरको । उल्टो भ्रष्ट राजनीतिको जालसाँजीमा त्यसलाई दबाउने प्रयत्न मात्र भयो, ताकि आफ्नो अपराध कर्म, भ्रष्ट चरित्रको पोल नखोलियोस् ।

अपराधीले आफ्नो अपराध कर्म, भ्रष्टाचार र दुराचारको सबुद प्रमाण कानुन र न्यायको पकडमा आउने गरी छोडेर 'आइज गोरू मलाई हान' भन्दै शङ्ख फुकेर हिंडेको त हुँदैन । यस्ता अपराध कर्मका लक्षणहरूलाई कानुनका पुस्तकका हरफहरूमा सांकेतिक रूपबाट औंल्याइएको पनि हुन्छ । त्यसलाई पढेर बुझेर तथ्य खुट्याउने जिम्मा न्यायकर्मी, न्यायमर्ूर्तिको व्यावसायिक दक्षता, विवेक-बुद्धि र अनुभवजन्य ज्ञानको जिम्मा दिइएको कारणले उसलाई न्यायमर्ूर्तिको विशिष्टतम सम्बोधन प्रदान गरिएको हुन्छ । त्यही व्यावसायिक, अनुभवजन्य विवेक बुद्धिको उपयोग गरेर पनि निराकरण गरी न्याय प्रदान गर्नपर्ने हुन्छ ।

तर हाम्रो न्यायव्यवस्थामा अनेक कानुनी छ्रि्रहरू विद्यमान छन् । यस्तो स्थितिमा न्यायमर्ूर्तिहरूमा आफ्ना विवेकको प्रयोग नगरी तिनै त्रुटिपर्ूण्ा ऐन कानुनको भरमै मात्र न्याय दिने परिपाटी छ । यो पृष्ठभूमिमा कानुनतः भ्रष्ट व्यापारी न्यायकर्मीहरूले मुलुकका बडे बडे भ्रष्ट राजनीतिकर्मीहरू, बडे बडे तस्कर, व्यापारी देश र जनताकै भाग्यलाई भकुण्डो तुल्याएर खेल्ने माफियाहरूलाई तिनै त्रुटिपर्ूण्ा ऐनकानुनका लाभ दिएर तिनै छ्रि्रहरूका बलमा सफाइ दिने गरेका प्रशस्त उदाहरण भेटिन्छन् ।

निष्पक्ष न्यायधर्मी, न्यायमन्दिरका न्यायमर्ूर्तिहरू र न्यायसम्पादनका सहयोगी न्यायकर्मीहरूबाट बडेबडे गजाकार र घृणित भ्रष्टाचारी दुराचारीका रूपमा गनाइसकेका अपराधीलाई कानुनी किताबका तिनै केही त्रुटिका छ्रि्रहरूबाट दूधले पखाले निकालेको देख्ता न्यायमन्दिर त्यसका न्यायमर्ूर्तिहरूप्रतिको जनआस्था र निष्ठा भत्कँदै जान्छ र सम्पर्ूण्ा विधिको शासन भनेर प्रचारी शासनविध्रि्रति नै वितृष्णा पैदा हुनजान्छ भने दोष कसको -

अहिले न्यायमन्दिरबाट 'पर्याप्त प्रमाणको अभावमा अभियोग सिद्ध हुन नसकेर न्यायमन्दिरबाट सफाइ पाएर निस्किएका र निस्कने क्रममा परेका तिनै तस्कर र व्यापारी माफिया र महाभ्रष्ट नालीमा डुबेर डुङ डुङ्ती गनाइसकेका महानुभाव -ठूला मान्छे) हुन् । जसले मनपरीसँग देश र गरिब निमुखा जनतालाई नाङ्गेझार पारेर निर्घर्ााँग लुटे ।

सबुतको अभावमा भ्रष्टाचार गरेको ठहरिएन भन्ने केही यताका कतिपय न्यायिक निर्ण्र्ाा्रति जनसाधारणले चित्तबुझाउने ठाउँ छैन । जस्तो कि विगतको एउटा सडकछाप व्यक्ति चाकडी र चाप्लुसी बलमा आफ्नो त्यो स्थितिबाट शासनसत्ताको उच्च आसनसम्म चढ्न सफल हुन्छ अथवा राजनीतिमा छिरेर कुनै प्रभावशाली नेताको पुच्छरमा सुरेली खेल्दै आफू स्वयं नेतृत्वको मेचमा बस्न पुग्छ र शासनसत्ताको महìवपर्ूण्ा पदमा कब्जा जमाउन पुगिहाल्छ । यसरी लाभको पदमा पुगेपछि केही समय नबित्दै मगन्तेबाट धनकुवेरको रूपमा कायाकल्प हुन्छ उसको । त योभन्दा ठूलो योभन्दा जिउँदो भ्रष्टाचारको प्रमाण के चाहिन्छ । निष्पक्ष र साँचो इन्साफका लागि - किनभने हिजोसम्म नयाँसडकमा थोत्रो चप्पल घिसार्दै होटेल र भट्टी भट्टी चहार्दै चिनजानका मानिससँग -'लौन भाइ केही ख्वाऊ ! केही प्याऊ । पेटभरि खान नपाइएको ' भन्दै दाह्रा ङच्ियाउँदै हिँड्ने मान्छे यसरी रातारात विना मेहनत धनकुवेरमा रूपान्तर हुन्छ भने भ्रष्टाचार र आर्थिक अनियमितताको त्योभन्दा ज्यूँदो प्रमाण अरू के हुनसक्छ -

प्रस्ट छ यी नेता, नेताहरू वा उच्च ओहदाका प्रशासकहरूको यो अकुत सम्पत्ति उनीहरूका पर्ुखाको उत्तरदान पनि होइन र छ महिना वर्षदनको सीमित अवधिमा कुनै ठूलो व्यापार वा कुनै अर्को शुद्ध बाटो वा आफ्नो कठोर श्रमबाट आर्जन हुनसक्ने सम्भावनाभन्दा टाढैको कुरा हुन्छ । रहृयो इन्द्रजाली बाटो-भ्रष्टाचार तस्करीको अनैतिक मार्गबाट गरिएको लुट 'ब्रहृमलुट।

तर हाम्रा न्याय मन्दिरका पुजारी न्यायमर्ूर्तिहरूको इन्साफको दृष्टि ती देशघाती जनघातीहरूका अपराधको घाम जत्तिकै र्छलङ्ग प्रमाणतिर पर्नैसक्तैन । किनभने उनीहरूका अकुत सम्पत्तिको प्रखर तेजले सच्चा न्याय र इन्साफका आँखा तिरमिराउँछन् दृष्टि शक्तिलाई अन्धो तुल्याइदिएको हुन्छ -

यसरी निर्मूल हुन पल्लो फाल दिन, दिनै यस्तो अपराध सँग्रालिँँदै जान्छ, गएको छ । किनभने न्यायनिसाफको यो नौटङ्कीले अपराधकर्मी-तस्करी भ्रष्टाचारीको मनोबल आकासिंदै गइरहेको छ र यसको विपत्ति यस्ता अपराध रोकथाम गर्न, निर्मूलन गर्न कटिबद्धता जनाएर उत्रिएका न्यायकर्मीहरूको मनोबल गिर्दै जान्छ, गइरहेको छ ।

अनि त स्वाभाविक के हुन्छ, भएको छ भने आफ्नो कुत्सित जीतबाजीमा भ्रष्टाचार, तस्कर व्यापारीहरू ठूलो जस्न मनाउन ठूलठूला भोज र पार्टर्ीीर्छन् र त्यस्तो पार्टर्ीी भोजमा आफ्ना सहयोगी न्यायकर्मीहरूलाई ससम्मान निम्ता गर्छन् । जसमा हाम्रा न्यायमर्ूर्ति न्याय सहयोगीहरू दङ्गदास परेर त्यस्तो भोज -पार्टर्ीीमा सहभागी बनेर भ्रष्टहरूसँग मितेरी गाँस्छन् । अनि अपराधकर्मको अविरल धारा निरन्तर बगिरहन्छ- बगिरहेको छ ।

Curbing Corruption: The innovative approach

The answer is not to cross our fingers and pray that the leaders will be sincere but rather to blueprint an arrangement that would make bribery and fraudulence unattractive to persons of power

By Nischal M. S. Basnyat

“It is not that Nepal didn’t have the money,” said the young UNDP officer with a sinister sneer “Why do you think your leaders ride fat cars and walk on Persian carpets?” In fact, the only economic Index we seem to be ascending is the Corruption Perceptions Index commissioned annually by Transparency International. Ranked as the 47th most corrupt country on earth by 2005, Nepal enjoys the prestigious position of being more corrupt than historically corruption-ridden nations like Malawi and Libya.

So, whom do we blame for the decades of unprecedented corruption? Of course our initial finger pointing goes towards our leaders, and rightly so. Our philanthropic leaders have set an example for all charity workers worldwide; successfully dividing up the nation’s scarce riches, not only among themselves but to family members and friends alike. Domestic and foreign policy in the country lacked innovation because our judicious heads of state were busy spending all their creative input in managing their abundance of cash. Some hid it in their walls, some spent it on their daughters’ lavish weddings, some used it to buy apartments outside the country and of course some hid it in their water tanks. Although such dim-witted ones might have been exposed, the cunning, I’m sure, still hold large foreign bank accounts, from Indian banks to the impenetrable Swiss.

Who could forget the nepotism? Army generals started promoting cousins and started sending the rest towards Maoist territory, ministers started appointing their relatives as ambassadors and national laws were twisted to favor a family member’s promotion in the government. All-in-all Nepal became a massive network of family run businesses. As the poor lay starving, even those that had worked so hard to get into power soon forgot their national duties.

So, how do we eradicate this crippling social illness? Many say that in the end it lies in the hands of our leaders and that their honesty and dedication decides the fate of the nation. True, yet how long are we willing to wait for the next Mahatma Gandhi or our very own Nelson Mandela? From ministers asking for ten crores to clerks asking for ten rupees, the culture of corruption has become deep-rooted in our society. Although every nation, from the most developed to the least, has their share of corrupt leaders, many of these countries are still prospering. By human nature one will try to exploit their position in power, so the solution comes in acknowledging that the system needs to be redesigned to keep the leaders on the right track. If there is room for corruption it will inevitably take place. Our country is corrupt and corruption flourishes because there are people in power who benefit from the present system. The answer is not to cross our fingers and pray that the leaders will be sincere but rather to blueprint an arrangement that would make bribery and fraudulence unattractive to persons of power.

The following schemes, tried and tested in other nations, are vital to ensure that corruption no longer impedes the crucial developmental work that is needed for the country to move forward:

First, an anonymous anti-corruption unit should be established. Often referred to as the ‘Hong Kong method’, this exceptional solution to corruption was adopted by the island in the early 90s. A secret team of corruption fighters, many of whom actually worked in the government offices and ministries themselves, caught acts of corruption in their own respective ministries with irrefutable evidence. Hence, not knowing who is an anti-corruption agent and who isn’t will play a psychological toll on individuals involved in corruption. Such a method will play head-games with government officials, and even if this small team of secretive informants doesn’t do their job, the idea that anyone in the office could be watching your move will deter officials from bribery and deceit. It’s like saying: if a driver knows where the cops are in the highway, he’ll slow down when he sees them to avoid a speeding ticket, but if the driver doesn’t know, chances are he’ll drive slow throughout the trip.

Secondly, the government should not fund anti-corruption agencies itself. The government and its politicians should have no hand in appointing or running the day-to-day activities of agencies such as the Commission for Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA), nor should it have the slightest clout upon such an organisation. The personnel involved in the anti-corruption task force should have no history, affiliation or relations to political parties. The solution can be establishing an independent organization with no association with the government or giving the job to organizations like CW (Corruption Watch) or TI (Transparency International). This approach has been taken by a handful of countries and also by the World Bank in order to monitor its money. When political leaders have the chance to pick the people watching over them or when the anti-corruption officers themselves start playing politics we will end up back at square one.

Third, a watchdog agency should be established to make sure that the main anti-corruption agency like the CIAA itself is doing the right job. This “watchdog for the watchdog” approach exists in various Asian countries where there is an anonymous taskforce established to track the work of the main anti-corruption organization and to make sure that the anti-corruption agency itself is not corrupt, which is often the case in Nepal.

Fourth, the government should increase the salary of ministers and top bureaucrats. This technique was famously adopted by Singapore during the height of its economic instability and corruption in the late 80s. By paying the decision makers a large salary it took away their need to earn under the desk. Foreign aid and national income from industries like tourism and customs were put back into the nation without a large chunk being taken out of it from the powerful elite in the country. In addition, subordinates were found less likely to be corrupt if their bosses were faithful. Although the nation will loose money by increasing the incomes of these top officials, if we do our calculations right, the country can benefit greatly from this pioneering approach.

Fifth, a person in power should know how long he or she is to remain in that position and should be appointed to a definite period of time. Corruption in most countries, especially ours, is often based on lack of job security. When one sacrifices their entire life for politics and finally comes to power for a brief stint of time they will obviously seek to milk the benefits of their struggle. Although such a step requires massive renovation of the political structure in Nepal, term wise selection of politicians and top bureaucrats is a must, not just for tackling corruption but also for long-term development and planning.

Sixth, we must separate politics and bureaucracy. Post 1990, politicians started appointing government officials who would give them a commission once they were appointed to power. Certain ambassadors and consul generals would often give a portion of their corrupt earnings back to the political party that appointed them. Such “dalal politics” where politicians and bureaucrats do favors for one another has to be eliminated. In India where they have the same kind of unfaithful politicians from Bihar to Madhya Pradesh, politics rarely obstructs bureaucratic appointments or promotions. In this way, this emerging superpower of a billion is run efficiently not by politicians but by bureaucrats. Thus, detaching the bond between politics and bureaucracy will slowly alleviate corruption and nepotism from our own system.

Seventh, the deep-seated tie between our industrialists and politicians needs to be severed. From VAT regulations to fiscal strategies, many of our economic policies are geared towards favoring certain business moguls, knowing that there are benefits for the politicians for doing so. Whoever has come to power has ended up favoring his own business or the businesses of those closest to him. Monetary policies have to be reformed to make sure they favor the interests of the “average-Ram” and not favor the family and friends of the powerful.

Finally, the media, which has become the leitmotif of anti-corruption in recent years, has to abandon political agenda. It is unfortunate, but all of us know that some of our biggest media houses have political agenda and are giving the people what they want the people to know instead of what the people deserve to know. Media ownership along with the independence of editors must be under scrutiny to make sure they don’t turn a blind eye to reports of corruption or wrongly accuse political enemies of corruption. In a way, the media, as the supervisory body of society, has the greatest role to play in slaying corruption.

In the end, our Nepali cultural mindset of looking up to those that amass wealth and our tendency to agglomerate property for our sons, grandsons and if possible our seven generations also leads to corruption in higher offices. The four “pillars of integrity”; the justice system, watchdog agencies such as the auditor generals office, the media and law enforcement agencies should all work to uphold the nation’s dedication towards fighting corruption. Along with adopting novel approaches for combating corruption, we must remember that in an already deteriorating system, even if one “pillar of integrity” fails to be vigilant and do justice to the people of Nepal, the entire structure is at danger of collapse.

Although the same people whom we may call “fathers of corruption” are back in power today, they have been granted a second chance. If corruption and mismanagement of government was their greatest crime post 1990, correcting that mistake will be their greatest victory.

Currently studying in La Sorbonne (Paris), Basnyat is a student at Harvard University. A senior editor for the Harvard South Asian Journal, his writing has been featured in an upcoming book with eminent author MBI Munshi. He can be reached at nbasnyat@fas.harvard.edu)

If I were GPK, I would not sideline Gagan Thapa and other genuine NC caders just for the shake of Sujata and Koirala family. I would implement democracy within NC party (instead of hypocrisy). I would also think about what the 71 district presidents said and immediately clear my stance on monarchy. And of course the NSU election was a big blow to Sujata (actually me indirectly), so I would take some lesson from this.

And finally, to those who believe that corruption is "necessary" to run the government/party, it might be that you are too old (mentally) or do not posess the capability manage things. So it is better that you quit and give opportunity to others. We are fed up of seeing the same loosers again and again.

दादाहरूको भित्री दुनियाँ

राजधानीमा आ-आफ्ना गिरोहमार्फत अवैध कारोबारमा संलग्न साना-ठूला दादाहरुको कथा

सरोजराज अधिकारी

सा त राउन्ड गोली भरेको पेस्तोलसहित गत जेठ १० गते दरबारमार्गबाट पक्राउ परेका थिए, २४ वर्षे सुजन पौडेल । प्रहरी हिरासतमै छँदा उनले नेपाल सँग खुलासा गरेका थिए, "म राजधानीका डन दीपक मनाङ्गे समूहका शशी अधिकारीको चेला हुँ । शशी, लालबहादुर तामाङसहित हाम्रो समूहमा करबि एक दर्जन छाँै ।"

जेठ ३० गते १५ हजार रुपियाँ धरौटीमा छुटेका सुजनले सोही दिन अर्को अपराध गर्न भ्याइसकेछन् । कोटेश्वरका व्यापारी सन्तोष अग्रवाललाई अपहरण गरी पाँच लाख रुपियाँ फिरौती लिएको अभियोगमा यतिबेला प्रहरीले उनलाई खोजिरहेको छ । सोही अभियोगमा शशी अधिकारी, महेन्द्र थिङ र लालबहादुर तामाङ असार १५ गते समातिइसकेका छन् । यसअघि हतियार बोकी गुन्डागर्दी गरेको अभियोगमा खोजी भइरहेका शशीले सुजनलगायतका केटाहरू पठाएर अग्रवालको अपहरण गरेको प्रहरीसमक्ष स् वीकारेका छन् ।

समातिएकामध्ये शशी नेपाली काङ्ग्रेस प्रजातान्त्रिकनिकट नेपाल विद्यार्थी सङ्घ - (नेविसङ्घ) रसुवाका अध्यक्ष हुन् भने महेन्द्र नुवाकोट जिविसका पूर्वउपसभापति । उनीहरूविरुद्ध प्रहरीले सार्वजनिक अपराधमा मुद्दा चलाउन खोज्दैछ । तर, तिनलाई छाड्न पूर्वप्रहरी प्रमुखदेखि प्रजातान्त्रिक काङ्ग्रेसका केन्द्रीय सदस् यसम्मले व्यापक दबाब दिइरहेको एक प्रहरी अधिकृत बताउँछन् । शशीका समर्थकहरूले विरोध जनाउन टायर बाली राजधानीका सडक अवरुद्धसमेत पारेका थिए ।

राजधानीमा हुने अपराध, त्यससँग जोडिने दादाहरू र तिनको राजनीतिक सम्बन्धको सानो उदाहरण मात्र हो माथि उल्लिखित घटना । काठमाडौँमा एउटा यस्तो भूमिगत संसार छ, जहाँ उद्योगी-व्यवसायी, उच्चपदस्थ अधिकारी-पेसाकर्मी, धनाढ्य वर्गलगायत समाजको ठूलै वर्गमाथि 'डन' का नाममा हुने दादागिरी बढ्दो छ । सिक्काको अर्को पाटो पनि छ, उद्योगी-व्यवसायीले सुरक्षा, राजनीतिज्ञले शक्ति, दुई नम्बरी गर्नेले सञ्जाल र प्रहरी स्वयम्ले सूत्र विस्तारका लागि यिनै दादाहरू परचिालित गर्ने हुँदा 'दादागिरी' राजधानीमा एउटा पेसाकै रूपमा फस्टाइरहेको छ ।

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गिरिजाबाबुको प्रतिगमन यात्रा



खगेन्द्र संग्राैला


औद्योगिक नगरी विराटनगरबाट मामुली कारिन्दाका रूपमा सुरु भएथ्यो, गिरिजाबाबुको राजनीतिक जीवन । ऊबेला कोइराला परिवारको कारिन्दा ठूलो कुरा थियो । यिनको व्यक्तित्वको जग शास्त्रप्रतिको अरुचि र शस्त्रप्रतिको मोह हो । शास्त्रानुरागी दाजु वीपीले यिनलाई सोचेरै 'हवल्दार' भनेका हुनन् । कम्युनिस्टप्रतिको अनन्त विराग र राजतन्त्रप्रतिको अखण्ड अनुराग यिनको व्यक्तित्वको अर्को पाटो हो ।
गिरिजाबाबु काङ्ग्रेसी ओखलढुङ्गा सशस्त्र विद्रोहका व्यूहरचनाकार हुन् । र यिनी हुन्, विराटनगर-फारबेसगन्ज विमान अपहरण काण्डका गुरु चाणक्य । उसो त राजाको कोमल गाथलाई ताक्ने जनकपुर बमकाण्डका सारथी पनि यिनै हुन् । शूर्‍याइँयुक्त दुःसाहस यिनको अभिरुचिको केन्द्र हो । हठ समय हेरी यिनको गुण पनि हो र दुर्गुण पनि । मनोरचनाका दृष्टिले यी गैँडाजस्ता लाग्छन् । र नै यी भन्छन्, म फर्केर पछिल्तिर हेर्न जान्दिन, ठम्ठम् अघि बढ्छु । तर यिनको यो 'अघि'को बुझाई कहिलेकाहीँ अग्रगामी हुन्छ, धेरैजसो पश्चगामी । यिनको यो 'अघि' आक्कल-झुक्कल गणतन्त्रमुखी हो झैं लाग्छ । तर यो प्रायः राजतन्त्रमुखी हुन्छ ।

इतिहास भन्छ, मिथ्या जनमत सङ्ग्रहपछि गिरिजाबाबुले पञ्चायतमा छिर्न खुट्टा उचालेका थिए । पञ्चायती वर्गीय सङ्गठनको झण्डा बोक्नैपर्ने सर्त र गृहमन्त्री पद नपाउनाको दुःखले परशुपथको शाही पथिक हुनबाट यिनलाई बालबाल बचायो । जीवित छउन्जेल वीपी नेपाली काङ्ग्रेसका विशाल शीर्षक थिए । किशुनजी र गणेशमान थिए, पाद टिप्पणीमात्र । त्यस कालमा चर्चाको बजारमा गिरिजाबाबुको नाउँ पाद टिप्पणीमा सम्म पनि थिएन । वीपी बिते र गिरिजाबाबु काङ्ग्रेसको शीर्षक बन्ने महाअभियानमा डटे । शीर्षक बन्ने उनका योग्यता तीनवटा थिए । कोइराला वंशको सन्तान, वीपीको भाइ, जीवनभर राजनीतिको साधक र तुफानी धावक । पहिलोपटक प्रधानमन्त्री बन्नु के थियो, उनी काङ्ग्रेस पार्टीका भयानक शीर्षक भइहाले । उनले साम, दाम, दण्ड, भेदको नीतिले लतारेर गणेशमान र किशुनजीलाई पार्टीको पाद टिप्पणीमा झारे । र उनले यसबीच 'माले-मसाले-मण्डले एकै हुन्' भनेर कम्युनिस्टप्रति उग्रद्वेष र राजतन्त्रप्रति असीम भक्ति पनि प्रकट गरिहाले । काङ्ग्रेस-कम्युनिस्ट बीचको भत्काउनु नहुने सहकार्य भत्काएर उनी दरबारसँगको खुकुलिएको लगनगाँठो कस्दै गए । नतिजा हदैसम्म ननिको भयो । संसदीय राजनीतिको निम्छरो ढाडमा शाही सामन्तवाद सग्लै र सिङ्गै सवार भयो । राजनीति आदर्श र त्यागको भावनाबाट पूरापुर विमुख भयो । र यो खाओवादी र अति अलोकपि्रय बन्न पुग्यो । जनराजनीतिको दयनीय रिक्तताबीच माओवादी सशस्त्र विद्रोहको जन्म भयो अनि संसदीय बेथिति र हिंसाको चौतर्फी कोलाहलमाझ बन्धुहत्याको वेदीबाट ज्ञानेन्द्र शाहको उदय भयो । राजनीतिको यो भयावह प्रतिगमनमा गिरिजाबाबुको योगदान लरतरो थिएन ।

आफूलाई सभक्ति बोक्ने भरियालाई मग्नसँग बोकिने ख्वामित्ले निर्मम लात दियो । दम्भी ज्ञानेन्द्रका लातको आघातले हुत्तिएर गिरिजाबाबु सत्ताको गद्दाबाट रत्नपार्कको धूलोमा बजारिन पुगे । अनि सुरु भयो उनको राजनीतिक जीवनको गौरवमय कालखण्ड । उनी काङ्ग्रेस पार्टीको शीर्षक त थिए नै, संसदीय राजनीतिका जेठाबाठा पुरुष पनि थिए । उसो त उनी संसदीय राजनीतिलाई बाहिरी विश्वसित जोड्ने सुपरग्लु पनि थिए । आफ्नो स्थान र उचाइका कारण ज्ञानेन्द्र शाहको मुलायम तानाशाहीसँग आँखा जुधाउने ह्याउ र हैसियत उनैले मात्र देखाए । माधवकुमार नेपाल आफ्नो भक्तगण पछि लगाएर शाही हैकमको कुरूप अनुहारमा पाउडर घसिदिन लुसुक्क दरबार पसे । माधवबाबुको कद पुड्किँदा गिरिजाबाबुको कद उचालियो । माधवबाबुको अनुहारमा शाही दासताको दाग लाग्दा गिरिजाबाबुको अनुहार जाज्वल्यमान देखियो । यसरी उनी जनआन्दोलनका सर्वमान्य नायक बन्न पुगे ।

असोजतन्त्रको मुलायम तानाशाही छिप्पिँदै, उत्ताउलिँदै र बौलाउँदै मकरतन्त्रको कठोर तानाशाहीमा परिणत भयो । जनप्रतिकारको कठिन मोर्चामा फेरि पनि यिनै गिरिजाबाबु अगुवा भए । बबुरा माधवबाबु प्रभुको लात खाएर, शाही झण्डा बिसाएर, मुख छोपेर लुखुर-लुखुर यिनका पछि लागे । यसबीच गिरिजाबाबु आफ्ना दुई वृद्ध काँधमा दुइटा खम्बा बोकेर ठस्ठस् कन्दै परम्परागत सोचाइको उही साँगुरो वृत्तमा घुमिरहेका थिए । एउटा खम्बा संवैधानिक राजतन्त्रको, अर्को संसदीय प्रजातन्त्रको । शाही दमन, लुट र हत्याको चक्रले हुत्याएर उनलाई इतिहासको दोबाटोमा उभ्यायो । रोज्नलाई उनका अगाडि अब दुईवटा मात्र विकल्प थिए । कित कथित संवैधानिक राजतन्त्रको नाउँमा शाही दासता स्वीकार गर कि शाही दासताबाट मुक्त हुन विद्रोही माओवादीसित हातेमालो गर । शाही चुटाइले तन र मन दुवै रगतपच्छे भएका गिरिजाबाबुले राजतन्त्रको मोहलाई बिसाए र माओवादीतिर हात फैलाए । लाटो लोकले सोच्यो, अब भने गिरिजाबाबुको चिन्तन र संस्कारको कायाकल्प हुने भो । अब भने जनपक्षका यावत् शक्तिहरूको मेलबाट राजतन्त्रले धूलो चाट्ने भोे र लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रको मौलो गाडिने भो ।

गिरिजाबाबु आफ्नो पहिचानलाई दाउमा राखेर इतिहासको नसोचिएको, क्षितिज नदेखिने, जोखिमपूर्ण बाटोतिर लम्किए । उनले माओवादीसँग माया गाँसे र आफैंले डोर्‍याएर तिनलाई सिंहदरबारमा शासनको आसनमा भित्र्याए । यसबीच गिरिजाबाबुको यतै हाइहाइ भयो, उतै जयजय भयो । यसो हुनु मुनासिव थियो ।

तर नाटकको यो मनोरम र गतिमान दृश्यको पटाक्षेप हुन बेर लागेन । गिरिजाबाबु आफ्नो वर्ग, चिन्तन र संस्कारको प्राचीन औतारतिर फर्किए । राजावादी, कम्युनिस्ट विरोधी र जनविरोधी औतारतिर ! उनलाई पुरानो मायाको याद आयो । अनि उनले सेरेमोनियल राजाको कुरा झिके । तर उनको त्यो पत्रु रहरले गरिखान सकेन । निद्राबाट ब्युँझेको लोकले उनलाई लाजमर्नु हुनेगरी लोप्पा ख्वायो । त्यसपछि उनले भाका फेरेर 'बेबी किङ'को उट्पट्याङ रटना सुरु गरे । हो, राजनीतिमा गिरिजाबाबुको प्रतिगमन यात्राको थालनी यही रहर र यही रटनासँगै भएको हो ।

गिरिजाबाबुको स्मरणशक्ति सारै छोटो छ । उनी हिजो आफूलाई थुक्नेलाई आज चुम्बन गर्न अघि सर्छन् । सामन्ती राजतन्त्रमुक्त नयाँ नेपालको सपनालाई मूर्तरूप लिन नदिन उनले भाका फेर्दै काखमा बोकेको सेरेमोनियल वा बेबी किङ कुन वंश, कुन वर्ग र कुन मतिका पात्र हुन् ? होलेरी काण्डमा सेनाको लगाम आफ्नो हातमा लिन नदिएर कसैले उनलाई राजनीतिको निरीह जोक्कर बनाएको थियो । त्यो कुन वंशको को थियो ? दरबार हत्याकाण्ड लगत्तै कसैले उनलाई पक्राउ गरी विना सञ्चार सम्पर्क रातभरि पाकेटमाराको भेषमा छाउनीमा खुला आकाशमुनि एक्लै राखेको थियो । त्यो कुन वर्गको को थियो ? वसन्तपुर डबलीमा आफूतिर सङ्गीन सोझ्याएर कसैले उनलाई पाउमा दाम चढाउन विवश तुल्याएको थियो । कुन चरित्रको कुन पात्र थियो त्यो ? माघ १९ को फौजी 'कू'पछि कसैले उनलाई आफ्नै निवासमा पोको पारेर रातोदिन कैद गरेको थियो । कुन मतिको को थियो त्यो ? अनि अहिले उनलाई नभए सासै जालाजस्तो सेरेमोनियल किङ वा बेबी किङ बन्ने पात्र कुन घरानाका, कुन लतका, कुन संस्कृतिका को हुन् ? विनाश कालमा बुद्धि विपरीत भइदिँदा मान्छे मुलाले निकट अतीतको पीडादायी इतिहास भुसुक्कै बिर्सन्छ ! बाबुजीको प्राचीन औतारमा प्रत्यक्ष देखिँदैछ ।

गिरिजाबाबुको उमेर र स्वास्थ्य शान्ति प्रक्रियामा आलटाल गरी मृतप्रायः राजतन्त्रलाई काँध थाप्ने र लोकतन्त्रलाई शिर उठाउन नदिने निहुँ भएको छ । पदीय दायित्व बहन गर्न सिंहदरबार जान उनलाई स्वास्थ्य र उमेरले घरिघरि छेक्छ । तर अमेरिकी राजदूतावास भवनको उद्घाटन गर्न जान केहीले छेक्दैन । अमेरिकी दूतावास देशभित्रको विदेश हो । उनी त्यहाँ जान्छन् र स्वदेशीको निन्दा र विदेशीको बखान गर्छन् । भनिरहनु परोइन, मोरिआर्टी हाम्रा सैनिक ब्यारेकहरू चहार्दै, हाम्रो आन्तरिक एकता र निर्णय प्रक्रियामा भाँजो हाल्दै, हाम्रा शिरमाथि सेरेमोनियल र बेबी किङ थोपर्दैै हाम्रो भूमिमा न्याय, शान्ति र लोकतन्त्रको उँभौली देख्न नचाहने हस्तक्षेपकारी अमेरिकी दूत हुन् । तिनलाई अँगालो मारेर गिरिजाबाबुले भने, अमेरिका प्रजातन्त्र र मानवअधिकारको प्रवक्ता हो । र मोरिआर्टी महोदयलाई मक्ख पार्न तिनले वाइसीएलको निन्दा गरे । कूटनीतिक मर्यादा नाघेर तिमीले कसैको ढुङ्गोलाई किन झोँक चलायौ महामहिम भनेर सोध्न भने तिनले आँट गरेनन् ।

वाइसीएल माओवादी ध्वजामुनिको चुल्बुले युवा जत्था हो । र माओवादी हो, सत्तामा गिरिजाबाबुको सहकर्मी र सहयात्री । उनलाई सडकबाट उचालेर प्रधानमन्त्रीको आसनमा बैठाउनमा माओवादीको मनग्ये हात छ । कल-झगडा गर्दै होस् वा प्रेम-संवाद गर्दै, राजनीतिमा माओवादीसँग हातेमालो गरेर यात्रा गर्नुको कुनै विकल्प छैन । कि फेरि युद्ध, नरसंहार र राष्ट्रिय विखण्डन कि संवाद, सहमति, सहकार्य, अखण्ड नेपालको रक्षा र शान्तितिरको सुखद यात्रा । अर्को बाटो के छ ? तर ठाउँ र सन्दर्भको पर्वाहै नगरी विदेशीको बखान र स्वदेशीको निन्दा गरेर गिरिजाबाबुले बरु युद्ध फर्कोस्, रगतको खोलो बगोस्, विनाश र विखण्डनको चित्कारले आकाश चिरियोस्, ख्यामित्लाई खुसी पार्न म कदापि पछि पर्दिन भन्ने सन्देश दिएका छन् । लायक घरमूलीले घरभित्रको विवाद घरभित्रै मिलाउँछ । बुद्धि बिब्ल्याँटो हुनेका के कुरा गर्नु ?

गिरिजाबाबु काङ्ग्रेसको मात्र होइन, समस्त राष्ट्रिय राजनीतिको पनि शीर्षक भएका छन् । प्रचण्ड र माधव पाद टिप्पणीमात्र । मन्त्रीमण्डल उनको रबरछापतुल्य छ र संसद भएको छ, यो रबरछापको पनि रबरछाप । यसरी राज्यशक्ति लाटलुट्टै गिरिजाबाबुमा केन्दि्रत हुनु र उनको नरक यात्रा सुरु हुनु डरलाग्दो कुरा हो । शक्तिको मात लागेर होला, उनी राजा ज्ञानेन्द्रझैं अरूका कुरा सुन्न र अरूलाई टेर्न छाडेका छन् । लोक एकमुखले चिच्याउँदै थियो, दरबारलाई एकपैसो भत्ता नदेऊ । तर उनले नागरिकहरूलाई ढाँटेर चोर बाटोबाट एकथैलो रकम टक्र्याए । लोक एकस्वरले भन्दैछ, संवाद र सहमतिबाट मधेसको मुद्दा हल गर । तर उनी पूर्व-पश्चिम मूलबाटोमा बन्दुके जवानहरू कुदाएर मधेसमा आगो झोस्ने सुरमा छन् । लोक भन्दैछ, राजतन्त्रलाई बोक्न छाड, आठ दल मिल, हातेमालो गरेर संविधानसभातिर हिँड । तर गिरिजाबाबुका मनको लचक भने लोकमत र स्वदेशतिर भन्दा राजतन्त्र र विदेशतिर छ । यो कस्तो विडम्बना !

वृद्ध र अशक्त अवस्थाको बहानामा राजनीतिमा जे पनि क्षम्य हुन्छ भन्ठान्नु अतिचार हो । अतिचार विरुद्ध नरकयात्री सामु लोकले समवेत् स्वरमा बोल्न बियाँलो भइसक्यो !

Khagendra Sangroula ek lekhak ko naam ma kangal ho. yo bidambana ho. I can hardly read one or two paragraphs out of his article. It is so disgusting.

I sometimes paste relevent articles for the purpose of sharing informations and does not necessarily have personal agreement or disagreements.

GP

You are free to think in that way RE: Khagendra Sangraula.

It should also be noted that:

One of the two: Deepak Mange or Milan Chakre, is .... Sala of Education Minister, and Education Minister's wife provides some advise to him.

Tendi Sherpa: Akhil's former president (I think he was sometime in ASCOL), is also another member in Nepal Patrika related to KTM's dada giri list.

Nepal Patrika did not connect anyone to YCL, and it looks Nepal Patrika was scared of YCL, because there is no mention of YCL throughout the article except in one caption to a photograph: that makes no sense. My question is what is the difference between YCL and Don Dadas. Don Dadas are are scared of Police, and Police are scared of Young Criminal League. Both get share from biz, and get haftas.

Shiris ji, I did not put any blame on you. I just wanted to tell people what I feel on KS's writings, and he is not a great writer for me. He pretends, but he is a greater writer for those people who are in government, and indulge in public property vandalism. At least, Kongressis don't vandalize while they are in Govt.

शिक्षामन्त्रीद्वारा राजीनामाको चेतावनी

अनमोलमणि पौडेल(काठमाडौं)

संयुक्त सरकारमा हुनुपर्ने सहकार्यको संस्कृतिविपरीत प्रधानमन्त्री गिरिजाप्रसाद कोइरालाले प्रत्येक विषयमा आफनो एकपक्षीय निर्णय लागू गर्न खोजेको भन्दै शिक्षा तथा खेलकुदमन्त्री प्रदीप नेपालले आफू राजीनामाको मनस्थितिमा पुगेको चेतावनी दिनुभएको छ।

उहाँले राजीनामा गर्नेबारे आफूले पार्टी सचिव माधवकुमार नेपालसँग प्रस्ताव गरिसकेको जानकारी दिनुभयो। ँप्रधानमन्त्रीको दबाबमा रहेर यस्तो बेथितिको स्थितिमा मन्त्रीको जागिर खाने मनस्थितिमा म छैन’, उहाँले मन्त्रीनिवासमा शनिबार नेपाल समाचारपत्रसँग भन्नुभयो- ँपार्टी अनुमति दिएको १२ घण्टाभित्र म शिक्षामन्त्रीबाट राजीनामा दिन्छु।’

मन्त्री नेपालले मन्त्रिपरिषद् बैठकमा प्रधानमन्त्री कहिल्यै उपस्थित नहुने, आफनो व्यक्तिगत निर्ण्र्ाालाद्न खोज्ने तथा हठवादी कार्यशैली अपनाउने गरेकाले मन्त्रीहरूमा असन्तुष्टि शुरू भएको उल्लेख गर्नुभयो। ँउहाँको शैली एकल सरकारको जस्तो छ, मन्त्रिपरिषद्मा कुनै पनि विषयमा छलफल हुँदैन।

मन्त्रिपरिषद्को नेतृत्व गर्ने मान्छे कहिल्यै बैठकमा उपस्थित हुनुनपर्ने अचम्मको व्यवहार हामी भोगिरहेका छौं’, उहाँले भन्नुभयो- ँरेस्पोन्स गर्ने नेतृत्व नभएकाले कुनै पनि विषय मन्त्रिपरिषद्मा छलफल गर्नुको अर्थ रहँदैन।’

विगतमा विश्वविद्यालयका उपकुलपति नियुक्तिमा विलम्ब हुँदा पनि पद त्याग्ने चेतावनी दिनुभएका उहाँले प्रधानमन्त्री देशको शिक्षाप्रति गम्भीर नभएको आरोप लगाउनुभयो।

नेतृत्वविहीन एक वर्षछि बल्ल उपकुलपति नियुक्ति गरे पनि त्रिभुवन विश्वविद्यालय र पूवाञ्चल विश्वविद्यालयमा शिक्षाध्यक्ष र रजिस्ट्रारको नाम सिफारिस भइसक्दासमेत नियुक्ति नगरेर अन्योल सिर्जना गरिरहेकोप्रति उहाँले असन्तुष्टि व्यक्त गर्नुभयो।

पदाधिकारी नियुक्तिको माग गर्दै केही विद्यार्थीले त्रिवि उपकुलपति कार्यालयमा तालाबन्दी गरेका छन् भने प्राध्यापकहरू रिले अनशनमा छन्।

त्रिवि उपकुलपति प्रा.डा. माधव शर्माले करिब दुइ साताअघि शिक्षाध्यक्षमा प्रा.डा. र्सूयलाल अमात्य र रजिस्ट्रारमा डा. भीमराज अधिकारीको नाम सिफारिस गरिसक्नुभएको छ। पूवाञ्चलमा अढाइ महिनाअघि शिक्षाध्यक्ष र रजिस्ट्रार सिफारिस गरिसकिएको छ। तर अझै नियुक्ति नहुँदा विश्वविद्यालय अझै सुचारु हुन सकेका छैनन्।

मन्त्री नेपालले प्रधानमन्त्री कोइरालाको नेतृत्व र कार्यशैलीले अझै १२ वर्षसंविधानसभा निर्वाचन असम्भव रहेको बताउनुभयो।

उहाँले प्रधानमन्त्रीको कार्यशैलीप्रति चरम निराशा व्यक्त गर्नुभयो। मन्त्री नेपालले कसैको निर्देशन र लहैलहैमा तालाबन्दी र बन्दमा नउत्रिन विद्यार्थीलाई आग्रह गर्नुभयो।
देशका कुनै पनि मुद्दाप्रति प्रधानमन्त्रीको अठोट छैन’ -उहाँले भन्नुभयो।

यसअघि प्रधानमन्त्रीको कार्यशैलीप्रति असन्तुष्टि व्यक्त गर्दै नेकपा (माओवादी) का तर्फाट वन तथा भू-संरक्षणमन्त्री बन्नुभएका मातृका यादवले राजीनामा दिनुभएको थियो। प्रधानमन्त्री कोइरालाले उहाँको राजीनामा स्वीकृत गरिसक्नुभएको छ।

Nepal advises PM to 'correct' his 'functioning style'

CPN (UML) general secretary Madhav Kumar Nepal has advised the Prime Minister to improve his style of functioning.

Nepal has said the manner in which PM Girija Prasad Koirala is functioning is 'not good.'

"His style of functioning is not good. There is unnecessary delay in decision making and unwarranted interferences," Nepal told reporters at the Tribhuvan International Airport Sunday, before leaving for Norway on a ten-day tour of European countries.

Nepal confirmed that one of his senior party leaders has thought of resigning from the cabinet due to PM's style of functioning.

Regarding the reports that Education and Sports Minister Pradeep Nepal was in a mood to step down from the cabinet, general secretary Nepal said that there seemed to be disorder in the cabinet functioning. He, however, added that for the time being he has requested the minister in question to continue in the office.

Earlier, reports quoted Minister Pradeep Nepal as saying that if his party permits, he would resign from the cabinet owing to the PM's dictatorial style of functioning.

Last week, Maoist leader and Forest Minister Matrika Yadav, too, had resigned from the cabinet pointing at PM's style of working.

The UML general secretary is visiting Norway on the invitation of the Norwegian government. He will also visit Germany, Belgium and the United Kingdom.

In Oslo, Nepal will meet senior Norwegian government officials including Minister for International Development Erik Solheim.

He will also attend some programmes organised by the Nepali community there.

Senior Maoist leader Dr Baburam Bhattarai had visited Norway in June.

Norway, one of the major development partners of Nepal, is assisting in constituent assembly elections slated for November 22. nepalnews.com sd/mk Aug 12 07

सम्पादकिय / बिचार

समकालीन नेपाली राजनीति [ 2064-4-13 ]

नेपालको राजनीतिक अवस्था अत्यन्त जटिल र सङ्क्रमणकालबाट अगाडि बढिरहेको छ । सङ्क्रमणकाल लम्ब्याउनु भनेको आफैँमा जटीलता थप्नु हो र सकेसम्म सङ्क्रमणकालको व्यवस्थापनमा आम सहमतिका साथ अघि बढ्नु आवश्यक छ भन्ने कुराको ज्ञान हाम्रा राजनीतिक नेतृत्वसँग पर्याप्त छ र पनि किन त्यस्तो खाले आम सहमति बन्नसकिरहेको छैन भन्ने कुराको विश्लेषण गर्नु आवश्यक छ । राजनीतिमा देखापरेको अवसर र चुनौतीको सामना गर्ने शैलीहरूको खोजी गर्नका लागि राजनीतिक दलहरूको व्यवहारमा परिवर्तन आउन जरुरी छ । सबैसत्तावादको पुरानो रोगबाट ग्रसित राजनीतिक पार्टर्ीी र बन्दुकको राजनीतिवाट शान्तिपर्ूण्ा प्रतिस्पर्धामा आउन खोजिरहेको नेकपा -माओवादी)का बीचमा अहिले पनि विभिन्न किसिमका मतभेद र विमतिहरू छन भन्ने कुरा दुनियाँलाई थाहा छ । हामीकहाँ अरूको विचार र आस्थाको सम्मान गर्ने कुराको खडेरी परेको उहिलेदेखि नै हो । सबैका विचार र आस्थाहरूको सम्मान गर्ने प्रवृत्ति मात्रै राजनीतिक दलहरूमा पलायो भने लोकतन्त्रको संस्थागत विकासमा एक फड्को मार्नसक्छ भन्ने कुरा हरेक राजनीतिशास्त्रका विद्यार्थीलाई जानकारी छ ।

आजको प्रमुख समस्या भनेको मुलुक परिवर्तनका लागि वैकल्पिक नीतिहरूको अभाव नै हो । राजनीतिक दलहरू विगतबाट माथि उठ्नै सकिरहेका छैनन् । माओवादी पनि आफ्ना कार्यकर्ताहरूलाई सैनिक मनस्थितिबाट अर्थात् बन्दुकको राजनीतिबाट माथि उठेर विचारका आधारमा सङ्गठन निर्माण गर्ने अभिभारालाई पूरा गर्न सकिरहेको छैन । माओवादी पार्टर्ीीत्र अहिले पनि लक्ष्यमा ढुक्कसाथ पुग्छौँ भन्ने कुरामा एकखालको दुविधा रहिरहेको छ । किनभने संविधानसभाको निर्वाचन भनेको शान्तिपर्ूण्ा प्रतिस्पर्धाकै निर्वाचन हो । यो निर्वाचनमा आफनो उपस्थिति बलियो हुनसक्ने आधारहरूको विश्लेषण गर्दै उसले कतै फेरि पनि नेपाली काँग्रेस वा नेकपा एमाले जस्ता राजनीतिक दलहरूको उपस्थिति नै बलियो हुने त होइन भन्ने सोचमा छ र सम्भवतः ऊ यसैको हिसाबकिताब गर्दै आफ्ना गतिविधिलाई दबाबमूलक ढंगले गर्न खोजिरहेको प्रतीत हुन थालेको छ ।

उता नेपाली काँग्रेस इतिहासको ब्याज खाएर अघाएको छैन र आफनो पुरानो र्सवसत्तावादी चरित्र र सत्ताको दुरूपयोग गर्न खोज्ने व्यवहारका कारण परिवर्तनतिर कम सत्ता सुदृढ पार्नेतिर बढी केन्द्रित देखिन्छ । नेपाली काँग्रेसको यो चरित्रलाई केही वैदेशिक शक्तिहरूले समेत सघाएको आधारमा ऊ आफूलाई परिष्कृत वा व्यवहारमा परिवर्तन ल्याउन चाहिरहेको देखिँदैन । मनभित्र फेरि पनि बीपीको मेलमिलाप नीतिलाई कायम राख्दै नेपालको राजसंस्थाप्रतिको मोह छोड्न गाह्रो मानिरहेको प्रस्ट देखिन्छ । राजनीतिक रूपमा कम्युनिस्टहरूलाई सदाका लागि दुष्मन ठानिरहने नेपाली काँग्रेस भित्रभित्रै भयभीत पनि देखिन्छ । कहीँ नेपालमा आगामी संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनमा वामपन्थीहरूको मोर्चाको पकड हुने त होइन - भन्ने डर उसलाई यही दुविधाका कारण नेपाली काँग्रेसभित्रका युवा पुस्ता जो परिवर्तनप्रति रुचि राख्छन वा यथास्थितिमा बस्नुहँुदैन भन्ने मान्यता राख्छन्को दृष्टिकोणलाई नेतृत्वपङ्क्तिले दबाएर राख्न चाहन्छ र संघीय शासनप्रणाली र लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रको बाटोमा मुलुकलाई डोर्‍याएर लान हम्मेसी तत्पर हुन नचाहिरहेको प्रतीत हुन्छ ।

अन्तरिम सरकारमा सामेल वर्तमान राजनीतिक पार्टर्ीीका बीचमा अविश्वास यति तीव्र छ कि उनीहरू एक अर्कोलाई आफनो वास्तविक चाहना सेयर गर्न चाहँदैनन् । राजनीतिक रूपमा भिन्न भिन्न विचार, कार्यशैली र सिद्धान्त बोकेका राजनीतिक दलहरू सबै योजनाहरू सेयर गरुन् भन्ने चाहना राख्नु हुदैन तर सङ्क्रमणकालको जटीलतालाई पार गर्दै आगामी संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनलाई सम्पन्न गर्ने अवधिसम्म कम्तीमा साझा उद्देश्यका साथ अघि बढ्नु जरुरी छ होइन भने संविधानसभाको निर्वाचन बिथोल्नका लागि विभिन्न गुटहरूले खेल्ने मौका पाउनेछन् ।

वैदेशिक शक्तिहरू नेपाली काँग्रेसको एकीकरणका लागि ब्यापक रूपमा दबाब सृजना गरिरहे पनि नेपाली काँग्रेस भित्रकै विभिन्न शक्तिकेन्द्रहरूको चलखेलले काँग्रेस एकीकरणमा छिटै पुग्ला भन्न सकिने अवस्था पनि देखिदैन । शेरबहादुर देउवा पार्टर्ीीकताका लागि जति आतुर देखिनुहुन्छ, गिरिजाप्रसाद कोइराला र रामचन्द्र पौडेलहरू आ -आफ्नो स्थिति मजबुत नपारी एकीकरण गर्ने पक्षमा रहेका देखिदैनन् । यो एकीकरण संविधान सभा सम्मका लागि मात्र हो भन्दा कतिपय नेपाली काँग्रेसका मित्रहरू गाली गर्नुहोला तर यथार्थमा नेपाली काँग्रेस एक भए पनि निर्वाचन पछाडि एकै ठाउँमा बसिरहने परिस्थितिको निर्माण हुनै नसक्ने अवस्था सृजना भइसकेको छ । नाटक र अभिनय गर्न नेपाली काँग्रेसको बुढ्यौली पुस्ता माहिर छ र यही अभिनयका साथ काँग्रेस एक भए पनि भावनात्मक रूपमा नेपाली काँग्रेस एक हुन नदिन पार्टर्ीीभत्रकै विभिन्न गुटहरूको चलखेल तीव्र छ ।

राज्यको पुनःसंरचनाको कुरा गर्दा नेपालका राजनीतिक दलको नेतृत्वकर्ताहरूको मानसिकताको पुनःसंरचना गर्नु पहिलो आवश्यकता हो । राजनीतिक दलहरूभित्रको लोकतान्त्रिकरणको प्रक्रिया थाल्नका लागि मानसिक रूपमा तयार हुने अवस्था सृजना गर्नु आवश्यक छ । हामी मानसिक रूपमा सत्ताबाट तल र्झर्ने नचाहने, पदीय मोह र पार्टर्ीीभत्रको सङ्गठनलाई आफूले भनेजस्तै गरी चलाउने रहर नत्यागेसम्म नेपालका राजनीतिक दलहरूमा लोकतन्त्रीकरण हुनैसक्दैन । किनभने हाम्रा सङ्गठनभित्र अहिले पनि १० प्रतिशत भन्दा बढी महिलाहरू सङ्गठित भएका छैन । पाँच प्रतिशतभन्दा बढी दलित समुदाय सङ्गठित हुनसकेका छैनन् । आदीवासी जनजातिहरूको अवस्था त्यस्तैछ, मधेशी समुदायको अवस्था त्यस्तैछ । अल्पसङ्ख्यक जाति जनजातिहरूको अवस्था झन् दयनीय छ । भोट कसरी तान्ने भन्ने नीतिका साथ हामी सङ्गठन निर्माण गर्र्छो र नेपाली काँग्रेस जो आफूलाई इतिहासको महान पार्टर्ीीान्दछ त्यही पार्टर्ीीे सङ्गठनहरूमा ५० प्रतिशत नेतृत्व पनि कार्यकर्ताहरूबाट निर्वाचित हुदैनन । गाउँदेखि केन्द्रसम्म प्रमुखहरूले मनोनयन गर्ने र एसम्यानहरू जम्मा गर्ने, जुन दिन उनीहरू आफ्नो विचार राख्न चाहन्छन् त्यही दिन विदा हुनुपर्ने हा
म्रो राजनीतिक संस्कार र संस्कृतिले पार्टर्ीी लोकतान्त्रिक प्रक्रियामा अघि बढ्न सक्लान् -

अहिले पनि नेपाली युवाहरू विदेशमा नगई स्वदेशमा रोजगार पाउन सक्दैनन् । राजनीति प्रति उनीहरूको वितृष्णा बढदै गएको छ । भविष्यमा नेपाली युवाहरूलाई राजनीतिमा डोरर्‍याएर मुलुककै साधन स्रोतको सदुपयोग गरी योजनाबद्ध विकासको कुरा गर्ने हो भने हाम्रा पार्टर्ीींगठनहरूमा लोकतानित्रक प्रक्रिया तीव्ररूपमा चलाउनु जरुरी छ । संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनले तयार गर्ने नयां संविधानले राज्यको पुनःसंरचना गर्दै अघि जानसक्यो भने ,शान्ति प्रकृयालाई दिगो रूपमा अघि बढाउन सकियो भने नेपाली राजनीतिमा आगामी केही वर्षभत्र आमूल परिवर्तन हुनसक्छ र लोकतान्त्रिक हुन नसक्ने राजनीतिक दलहरूलाई उछिन्दै क्षेत्रीय पार्टर्ीीको विकास तीव्र रूपमा हुनसक्ने सम्भावना उत्तिकै छ । यर्सथ पनि नेपालका राजनीतिक दलहरू आफूलाई परिवर्तन गर्नका लागि, साच्चै जनताहरूको सङ्गठन बनाउनका लागि उनीहरूको सहभागिता र पहुँचलाई बढाउने दिशामा अघि बढ्नु जरुरी छ । नयाँ नेपाल नारा र भाषणमा होइन, व्यवहारमा बनाउनका लागि हाम्रा सबै व्यवहारहरूमा आमूल परिवर्तन हुनु आजको आवश्यकता हो । यसका लागि कम्तीमा राजनीतिक दलहरू जस्ले मुलुकको नेतृत्व सम्हाल्छन उनीहरू तयार हुनर्ुपर्छ । यथास्थितिवाद र उग्रवाद दु
वैले हामीलाई उही प्रतिगमनलाई सघाउँछ भन्ने कुराको हेक्का राख्नर्ैपर्छ । सामाजिक न्याय र मानवअधिकारको प्रत्याभूती सहितको नयाँ नेपाल बनाउनका लागि हाम्रा धारणा विचार र व्यवहारमा परिवर्तन हुनर्ुपर्छ होइन भने यो केवल नारामा मात्रै सीमित हुनेछ ।

Deuba says unity prospects have diminished



(NC-D) president Sher Bahadur Deuba (File Photo)
Sher Bahadur Deuba, president of Nepali Congress (NC-Democratic), has said that the prospects of unification of Congress parties have diminished.

Addressing his party cadres in Bhairahawa, Deuba urged them to concentrate on strengthening party organisation and involve in election campaigns.

Deuba said that Prime Minister and president of NC Girija Prasad Koirala was stalling the unity between the two parties. "I told him numerous times that I do not need any position for myself, just ensure respectful unity among leaders and cadres up to district level. He has just been procrastinating," he said, adding, "Now I do not see any prospect for unity. There is no alternative to announcing that there will not be any unity."

Speaking at the same programme, NC-D leader Pradeep Giri has accused that nepotism among Koirala clan has obstructed the unification.

Messiahs Messages and the Mess in Nepal

The political parties and leaders, in an attempt to vengefully do away with the monarchy and the king, have turned themselves into kings and started to behave like ones.

- By Shiva Gautam

The movers and shakers of current political landscape of Nepal are the Maoists, Multi-parties (seven parties signing peace accord with the Maoists), Monarchy, Madhesis and Mitra-Raashtras (foreign friendly countries). Despite all the mess created by this motley of quintuple Ms and other minor meddlers and miscreants, there are signs that Nepal will withstand a political tsunami in making, and when the dust settles down, Nepal will still be Nepal and will not turned into something like Mepal. I still want to bet my life on it.

The enthusiasm of April (2006) uprising following the agreement between seven political parties and the Maoists has all been dissipated. One of the main partners of the uprising, the ‘people’, was completely sidelined and long forgotten.

The mandate of the uprising was for the eight political parties to conduct an election of constituent assembly as soon as possible so that a new constitution for new Nepal could be drafted.

To expect that things will be right overnight is outlandishly foolish. But it does not take too much to see that there is more noise than signals. The major share for the prevailing instability, insecurity and confusion goes to political parties and leaders who are expected to act responsibly than extremists and opportunists.

The political parties and leaders, in an attempt to vengefully do away with the monarchy and the king, have turned themselves into kings and started to behave like ones. You really become one with who you hate or love so much. Similarly, the habitual blaming everything on ‘regressive forces’ is making the political parties themselves one of the regressive forces.

The parties and the leaders saw royal presence on the bank notes, on the signboards, on the letterheads, in the statues, in peoples’ genuine grievances but utterly failed to see it within themselves, in their acts and behaviors.

One of the early signs of the new government’s regal act was its granting of secularism in response a protest by few dozen protesters. Why could it just not say to the protesters that it is not an elected government, it has no mandate to decide on sensitive issues and all these will be settled after CA elections and so on. This ensued other demands and their hallow fulfillment by a government that was not elected.

Perhaps the smartest thing following the uprising was opting for the reinstatement of the defunct parliament instead of few other suggested alternatives. It gave a great a sense of continuity and perhaps established precedence. Unfortunately, the same acumen failed to prevail while adopting a new interim constitution.

The reinstated parliament, after amending objectionable clauses, should have considered the existing constitution as the interim constitution. Such a suggestion by different quarters was completely ignored and an ad hoc interim constitution was adopted instead.

Ad hoc-ism is the sign of a royal government, not of a democratic government. The present interim constitution, according to some legal experts, resembles a document signed by two warring factions than a constitution and makes a mockery of all democratic constitutions of the world.

The interim government went even further than the royal government in some instances. In the height of April uprising, the royal government often used to release arrested people by the next day. In democratic society citizens should be allowed to protest in peaceful and non-violent manner. But the interim democratic government not only arrested peacefully demonstrating Madheshis who burnt a page of the interim constitution, but also did not release the arrested immediately. This served as the spark for the Madheshi uprising.

Difference of opinion and conflict are human instincts. In the olden days the tip of a sword settled conflicts. But to satiate this innate human characteristic, modern humanity has invented non-violent means like discussions, debates, negotiations and even competitive games.

Did the government and parties tried to convey that it is the people who have to negotiate among themselves through the constituent assembly? Did the interim government have the legitimacy to engage in separate secret negotiations with various groups?

All these questions are perhaps too late to ask. Hopefully, wisdom will prevail in the future.

(The author is faculty at Harvard University and can be reached at shivagau@gmail.com)

Nepali Congress under Koirala: The Great Betrayal (Special to Nepalnews)

When the bases of power are not the voters, whether G. P. Koirala or Babarak Karmal - the Russia nominated President for communist Afghanistan, the effect on the nation is bound to be catastrophic

By Dr Bipin Adhikari

Power vs Principles: G P Koirala

Betrayal , as a form of deception or dismissal of prior political commitment, is not uncommon in politics anywhere. However, the fact that Prime Minister G. P. Koirala, with 65 years of active politics, is capable to do it is something that comes not just as a surprise to the activists and voters of Nepali Congress, but also as a shame.

As a reform-oriented centrist party, the Nepali Congress has been on the frontline of politics and democratization since it was established in 1947. From the beginning it enjoys the support of the modest, democratic and non-communist voters of this country. They nurtured this party through decades for its commitment to soft politics and institutions based on Westminster model, the principle of national reconciliation as the strategy of Nepal’s independence and survival, and representative democracy.

Shift in Policies : Now there is a new edition of G. P. Koirala, which has challenged these ideals without allowing discussions – and without any working strategy and national direction. He has taken for granted that what he decides is the decision of the nation.

This is not all. Koirala has also cajoled this country - already deeply wounded for its faith in representative institutions – by upholding that those parties who think differently should not have access to the Parliament, and should have practically no opportunity to contest the constituent assembly elections. He has made sure that people who differ with him within the Congress have no voice in the public. In all these betrayals, and maneuverings to ‘republicanise’ Nepal by hooks or crooks, who knows it more than Prime Minister Koirala himself how outrageously treacherous he has proved to this otherwise proud democracy and a country of profoundly nationalist people. Since he approved the India-initiated 12-point understanding in New Delhi last year, Prime Minister Koirala has ignored the agenda of the Nepali Congress. He has also fully stopped the line of communication with the rank-and-file of the Congress.

Since he approved the India-initiated 12-point understanding in New Delhi last year, Prime Minister Koirala has ignored the agenda of the Nepali Congress. He has also fully stopped the line of communication with the rank-and-file of the Congress.

Two important Decisions: Recently, Prime Minister Koirala took two important decisions: firstly, he reunited the Nepali Congress Party that had been living with the agonies of vertical split since the last five years, supposedly making it as strong as it was during the last general elections (if not more); and secondly, he changed his party having faith in constitutional monarchy and Westminster model of democracy into a republican party with no sustainable agenda for transformation – finally conceding to the Indian demand that monarchy has already served its purpose, and it must go.

The remarks of Koirala until a few months before about national reconciliation, or the policy of Nepali Congress that pleaded tradition with modernity as the basis to defend democracy and protect national independence, has at once become out of context to him. As a consequence, the party which has been re-united at the leadership level has lost its bases of power at the voters’ level. They still believe in constitutional monarchy, a democratic system based on devolution of power to the local people, and a unitary and strong Nepal. Needless to say, at a time when the Party needs its voters overwhelmingly in the impending constituent assembly elections-- especially against extremists and communal elements-- Prime Minister Koirala has thrown them into the mire of confusion, lies and extremist propaganda. Strangely enough, he thinks the Congress will come back to power – without its voters, because the goodwill that the Congress has lost will be compensated by the Madheshi Janadhikar Forum – a new outfit supposedly going to be his new partner in the forthcoming elections. Of course, Koirala is building on wrong premises.

Lessons of history: Shah of Iran Mohammed Reza Pahlavi with his wife

Subtleties of Monarchy : Twenty-eight years before, in 1979, when t he Shah of Iran, Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, had fled his country following months of violent protests against his regime, many democrats and liberals thought that the roadblock to democracy has finally been set aside. In fact, just as G. P. Koirala betrayed King Gyanendra and most of the commoners of Nepal, Dr Shapur Bahktiar, the man who Shah Pahlavi had appointed as Prime Minister just one month before he fled, too had disingenuously forced him to leave the country.

The person, who the increasing number of violent clashes between security forces and anti-Shah demonstrators established in power, was Ayatollah Ruholla Khomeini. With the support of the liberals and commies, very much like the support of the imperfect ‘loktantrabadis’ of Nepal to the Maoists, Khomeini finally came to assert control over the course leading to a revolutionary Islamic Council to replace what he called the "illegal government" of Iran. Whatever little democracy the Iranians had during the period of Shah has become a dream for the people since then. After all, democracy is a process not a product, and no Khomeini can ensure it – whether he creates a constitution through his religious decree, or a constituent assembly under the shadow of bloodhounds and separatists.

Communist Invasion: The pressures on Prime Minister Koirala are understandable. He is just like “a parrot in a cage.” But emerging from the difficulties that a country has been plunged into is possible only when the best interest of the nation stands out as the core issue of the national agenda.

“The people of Nepal have a twofold responsibility - achievement of democracy and defense of national integrity. If, however, we consider one of the two responsibilities as our only task, we would be one sided and commit a grave blunder.” - Late B. P. Koirala

When the bases of power are not the voters, whether G. P. Koirala or Babarak Karmal - the Russia nominated President for communist Afghanistan, the effect on the nation is bound to be catastrophic. A leading Afghan Marxist, Karmal lost not only his country but also the prospect of democracy for a long time when he became Russian puppet ruler after the Russian invasion in 1979. The Karmal government, even with the aid of nearly 110,000 Soviet troops, air power and large scale ground offensives was not able to deal with resistance forces. His famed charisma had failed him, for few Afghans wanted to work with the puppet of a foreign power. In fact, Afghans quickly dubbed Karmal as "Shah Shuja the Second," a reference to an Afghan puppet of the British in the 19th century.

Again, who knows it more than Koirala, how the ‘Lhendups’ of the Kingdom of Sikkim brought ‘gallons’ of democracy in the country and washed away all traces of its nationhood from the history. Unfortunately, the poor Chogyal didn’t even have a standing army to defend its people when the country was being overrun by the renegades and foreign invaders advising him.

Man of Ideals: Late B P Koirala

Chassis of National Reconciliation: It is against the background of annexation of Sikkim that Late B. P. Koirala had appealed to the nation in 1976 that “in the history of each country, an hour arrives when its people stake their lives to defend the integrity and independence of their motherland. We do feel that such an hour has come in Nepal. .. Our personal safety is of little consequence in the face of the danger threatening the very existence of our country.” Nepali Congress needs to be reminded again: “The people of Nepal have a twofold responsibility - achievement of democracy and defense of national integrity. If, however, we consider one of the two responsibilities as our only task, we would be one sided and commit a grave blunder.” And if we lay stress on the achievement of democracy alone, we may not effectively participate in resolving the national crisis.” For these obvious reasons, late B. P. Koirala had maintained that his neck is joined with the neck of the King; and if one of them is killed, the other will not survive for this very reason. Time might have changed, but not the context. Surprisingly, a few Congressmen have come up, here and there, in recent days, who have been arguing that B. P. has become out of context; and the policy of national reconciliation has already lost its roots. Unfortunately, at that level of simplicity, it just does not work.

Foundations of a centrist party : To remain stronger, every political party has to respond to its constituencies, and try to build on their aspiration. Even a fool knows that republicanism is a Maoist slogan. They mean it; and they have certain use for it. Among the democrats, federalism is the slogan of some disgruntled people, who want more participation in the political system, but have little ideas of how the system might work. It requires serious work and sustainable strategies, which none of them have ever been able to bring before the public. Maoists again have their own strategic threads on it, which must be checked for absurdities. The voters of the Nepali Congress can buy religious freedom (at the most protection of all religions, or equal distance with all of them); but it will not be able to digest ten types of community laws. They might throw their weight on devolution of power to the locals; but they will not accept a situation where ethnic ego runs over the representative institutions, and the indivisibility of the nation. Getting from here to there is a matter of routine planning and building institutions, not heroics, and certainly not the extra-ordinary merry-go-around that Prime Minister Koirala is made to think of in the changes he is implementing.

There should not be any shyness in upholding that the Constitution of 1990 remains the best reflection of the democratic model of the Nepali Congress – historically as well as a modern device. It faced external assaults and internal manipulation because of its strengths and inherent capacity to check abuse of power and protect national interests. It did not get enough opportunity to grow on. The agenda of improvement in it, especially the desires of the ethnic communities for greater identity and participation, and similar other reforms could be brought in for serious discussion and decision making. Yet, structures and procedures alone, without structures that create political stability, guiding principles and values, can not give self-momentum or resilience to a party in the face of assault. It is here that the Nepali Congress has to dispense with populism and stand taller than the rest of the parties which do not have issues to bind all the people together. Like the mortar between the bricks of a building, it is the shared values of an institution which bind the structures together, which make them strong and resilient, and which give them a collective identity greater than the sum of their parts. This alone allows them to develop an autonomous vision and sense of purpose. As a leading party of the country, it is the responsibility of the Nepali Congress not to compromise on the chassis that holds all the people together.

Unfortunately, a well functioning system of the check and balance has been replaced with the concept of the “sovereignty of eight parties” in the framework of the Interim Constitution, which looks like a manifesto of a totalitarian regime. It does not have any concept of participation and inclusiveness.

Another crucial issue that the Congress should take to the people is the most urgent task of devising national security strategy. Such a strategy should outline the nature of the threat that confronts this country today explaining priorities, and describing the strategy it needs to adopt to counter these threats. But as all know, this country lives in an increasingly interconnected, complex and often dangerous design. Congress needs to get its starting point right, and it should entail a correct understanding of the problems and threats that Nepal has to be up against. This country is facing all these troubles, political or terroristic, because of its geographical location.The threat is definitely strategic.  No one can guarantee that another Maoist War will not break out here again. The approach must be to make it extremely difficult for unconstitutional and proxy forces to carry out their evil deeds while at the same time, be well prepared and ready to deal with the repercussions if such a force does emerge. Of course, safeguarding the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of the state is the central pillar of a security policy. But t here can be no greater role, no more important obligation for a government, than the protection and safety of its citizens. What purpose a constituent assembly will serve if the people who have the right to vote do not have the protection from fear. To make sure that the political system of this country works, the Nepali Congress will have to prepare ourselves both operationally and psychologically to deal with threats that may hit the country – including those it cannot even anticipate now.

Euphorias come to an end: But the fear for the Nepalese people is that it is coming to an end with irreparable loss to the nation. A functioning democracy has gone for long. Indeed, what has been marvelously achieved by ‘loktantra’ is the pulling down of a Constitution which for the first time in the history declared that sovereignty of Nepal vests in the Nepalese people; introduced a functioning Westminster model of parliamentary democracy in the country; legalized the operations of the political parties, guaranteed adult franchise and basic human rights to all; ensured the power of the independent judiciary to judge over the issues of constitutionality; and preserved the national interests by means of several constitutional institutions and procedures.

Unfortunately, a well functioning system of the check and balance has been replaced with the concept of the “sovereignty of eight parties” in the framework of the Interim Constitution, which looks like a manifesto of a totalitarian regime. It does not have any concept of participation and inclusiveness. Again the rule by law that those who do not buy its formulations, or claim their right to dissent with the constitutional carnage of the nation, are not to be allowed within the interim mechanisms make farce of what has been defined as the transition regime.

Indeed Prime Minister Koirala, who is already in a very vulnerable age, has left nothing for his posterity. The revolution has really been successful under his leadership. It has turned the country into debris – physical, moral, intellectual, and historical – without giving a ray of hope for the future. Everything old – from the physical infrastructure of this poor country to the most ancient of its national institutions have been pulled down. The demographic change that Koirala and his Company have brought in Nepal by distributing citizenship to all willing Indians still has to show its teeth. While all institutions are in limbo, and civil, judicial and military bureaucracies are out of touch with the Prime Minister, there are decisions after decisions under the pressures of sometime Maoists, and sometime Goits and Jwala Singhs. After these eighteen months, Koirala no longer needs the blessings of either the common people, the seven parties of heroic ambitions, or of the erratic King, who appointed him to right the wrong measures that he had applied to diffuse the crisis.

Conclusion : Democracy needs to be worked out with sustainable political strategies. The problem of institutionalization of democracy and empowerment of the people goes far beyond the issue of the elections to the constituent assembly and drawing up of a new constitution acceptable to all. If some opinion makers think everything will be fine after the ongoing movement achieve these milestones, or the King is dethroned, or the Maoists are mainstreamed and power is handed over to the legitimate representatives of the people, they are not objective, and if the history of the world is any evidence, revolutions have frequently been successful to destroy the status quo, but not always to create and sustain a viable alternative regime. The later issue demands proper planning and clearly thought out strategies. An extremist culture based on violent parameters is, therefore, never helpful.

It is very unlikely for the Nepali Congress to establish itself in terms of its newly acquired rhetorics. It could still be saved if it goes to the people with the policies that they want to hear from them. These policies are no doubt the historical parameters of the Nepali Congress. For that to happen, Prime Minister Koirala has to reestablish the line of communication with the rank and file of his party, and think in terms of what his voters want from him.

[Adhikari is a lawyer and can be reached at human_rights_nepal@yahoo.co.uk ]

PM starts consulting foreign envoys

Kantipur Report

कांग्रेसमा महाधिवेशन माग

कास

The first time when he made PM, he didn't know what he was doing coz' he thought Bhattarai will win the election. Second time when he made PM; he made some mistakes. Third time; we all would do the same thing for the country and party before we die.

PM Koirala should be head of next govt, NC says

Kantipur Report

Posted on: 2008-04-25 07:13:09 (Server Time)

If I was GP,  I would kill myself.